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Posts tagged ‘United States v. Skrmetti’

Supreme Court Says the Constitution Does Not Second-Guess the People on ‘Gender-Affirming’ Care


By: Thomas Jipping | June 18, 2025

Read more at https://www.dailysignal.com/2025/06/18/supreme-court-says-the-constitution-does-not-second-guess-the-people-on-gender-affirming-care/

Demonstrators in support of a ban on
Transgender rights supporters and opponent rally outside of the U.S. Supreme Court as the high court hears arguments in a case on transgender health rights on December 04, 2024 in Washington, DC. (Kevin Dietch via Getty Images)

In one of the most-anticipated decisions of its 2024-25 term, United States v. Skrmetti, the Supreme Court held that a Tennessee law prohibiting so-called “gender-affirming” medical interventions for minors does not violate the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause. That was the only question before the Supreme Court, and it got the answer right.

Tennessee is among more than 20 states that prohibit such medical interventions for minors. Its law, called SB1, allows doctors to prescribe drugs such as puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones or to perform certain surgeries only to treat specific medical conditions. These include congenital defects, disease, or physical injury. It prohibits their use in cases of “gender dysphoria, gender identity disorder, [and] gender incongruence.”

Three minors who wanted to identify with the opposite sex and their parents challenged SB1, arguing that it violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s requirement that states provide the “equal protection of the laws.” They argued that SB1 was just like more familiar laws that discriminate based on sex, which the Supreme Court already held must meet a higher legal standard. The Biden administration also joined the case to oppose the Tennessee law.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, which includes Tennessee, didn’t buy it and neither did the Supreme Court. Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the 6-3 opinion, refusing to find a “sex-based classification” in a statute that, to state the obvious, does not classify based on sex. SB1 applies to all minors, regardless of sex. The only distinctions it makes are age (it applies to minors, not adults) and the medical use of the particular surgeries and drugs. Neither of these has anything to do with sex.

Every Supreme Court decision has two parts: the judgment, which is typically a yes/no answer to a specific legal question, and the opinion, which explains the reasons for the judgment. The judgment decides the case before the Court and the opinion can impact other cases. Here, Roberts’ opinion addressed some important issues that will no doubt be raised in other cases.

He emphasized, for example, that our understanding of gender is constantly changing and that the advisability and efficacy of medical interventions in cases of gender dysphoria or incongruence is being hotly debated. In fact, Roberts pointed out, several European countries that jumped on the “gender-affirming” care bandwagon have reversed course, “rais[ing] significant concerns regarding the potential harms associated with using puberty blockers and hormones to treat transgender minors.”

In addition, the Court refused to extend its controversial decision in Bostock v. Clayton County from the statutory to the constitutional context. In Bostock, the Supreme Court held that firing someone who is gay or “transgender” amounts to discrimination “because of” sex, violating Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Liberal activists want the Supreme Court to reach the same conclusion with respect to the Equal Protection Clause. Roberts refused, explaining the important differences between SB1 and “the logic of Bostock.”

Unless a law discriminates on the basis of things such as race, religion, or sex, courts are not going to second-guess legislative judgments about policy issues. This decision means that gender-related laws like SB1 are in the broad category of matters, such as regulating the practice of medicine generally, that the people and their elected representatives must handle. SB1, Roberts wrote, “clearly meets this standard.”

Like European countries have concluded, the Tennessee legislature argued that any perceived discordance between sex and gender can be resolved by an approach far less invasive and permanent than surgery or drugs and will likely produce better outcomes.

Challenges to similar laws in other states raise the same Equal Protection Clause issue and whether parents have a right, under the Due Process Clause of the same Fourteenth Amendment, to obtain medical interventions for their minor children. This decision should settle the first issue, but the second will likely find its way to the Supreme Court as litigation elsewhere continues.

In recent polls, many Americans say that the Supreme Court decides cases based more on politics than law. The Court can fuel that perception when it makes up rights that are not in the Constitution’s text, or tries to reach a result that is politically, but not judicially, correct. This is not one of those cases. The Court applied basic Equal Protection Clause analysis and came to the obvious, and objectively correct, conclusion. As Roberts concluded, the Equal Protection Clause does not resolve “fierce scientific and policy debates” like those today that relate to gender. That’s our job as citizens.

Sotomayor’s Headache: The United Kingdom Upholds Ban on Puberty-Blocking Drugs for Minors


By: Jonathan Turley | December 13, 2024

Read more at https://jonathanturley.org/2024/12/13/sotomayors-headache-the-united-kingdom-upholds-ban-on-puberty-blocking-drugs-for-minors/

In the aftermath of the contentious Supreme Court arguments in United States v. Skrmetti over state bans on puberty blockers and gender-altering surgeries, the United Kingdom reaffirmed that it finds the risks far outweigh the benefits of such treatments for minors under the currently available scientific evidence. The move by the liberal Labour Party stands in sharp contrast with the portrayal of the Biden Administration and the treatment of the subject by the liberal justices. Justice Sonia Sotomayor was widely criticized for analogizing puberty-blocking drugs to taking aspirin. It appears that doctors in the UK are not ready to tell minors to just “take two puberty blockers and call me in the morning.”

UK Health Secretary Wes Streeting said last week, “Children’s health care must always be evidence-led. The independent expert Commission on Human Medicines found that the current prescribing and care pathway for gender dysphoria and incongruence presents an unacceptable safety risk for children and young people.”

The decision follows the release of the Cass Review, which was raised by the conservative justices as contradicting the factual representations of the Biden Administration, even leading Justice Samuel Alito to suggest that Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar and the government might not have fulfilled their duty of candor to the tribunal. He noted that the Cass study found scant evidence that the benefits of transgender treatment are greater than the risks. He then delivered the haymaker: “I wonder if you would like to stand by the statement in your position or if you think it would now be appropriate to modify that and withdraw your statement.”

Streeting cited significant doubts about the benefits of puberty blockers while noting the “significant risks” to children.

The government will allow puberty blockers to be administered to children in clinical trials. It is not clear if the Supreme Court will take “judicial notice” of the new decision, but it can.

In fairness to Sotomayor, she was trying to argue that all treatments have risks in making her aspirin analogy. Yet, the comment was taken as trivializing the alleged harm and trauma raised by many in this debate. These studies clearly show greater risks than those associated with aspirin. However, what the Biden Administration was arguing (and the liberal justices were seemingly supporting) is that states would be barred by the Court from reaching the same conclusion as the UK and other countries. Indeed, Streeting echoed what the states argued to the Supreme Court that the government must  “act with caution and care when it comes to this vulnerable group of young people, and follow the expert advice.”

Jonathan Turley is the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University. He is the author of “The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage.”

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